Ma Jian is an acclaimed Chinese writer who lives in London with his partner and translator, Flora Drew. He is the author, most recently, of “Beijing Coma,” a novel about the events surrounding the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests. Born in Qingdao, he moved to Hong Kong in 1983 after some of his works were banned, and later to England. Mr. Ma has previously contributed op-ed articles for The Times. In this interview he spoke from Beijing. (Interviewed previously in this series were Orville Schell and Ai Weiwei.)
Q: What does the Beijing Olympics represent for China? Why is it so important?
Ma Jian: The Beijing Olympics represent China’s grand entrance onto the world stage and confirmation of its new superpower status. The Games are crucially important, not for the Chinese people (who now seem weary of the whole charade), but for the Chinese government. Behind its arrogant swagger, the Communist Party is insecure and afraid. It bristles at any criticism from abroad and is terrified of internal dissent. The Olympics will give it the international recognition it craves, and will legitimize its dictatorial rule.
Q: Your new book, “Beijing Coma,” is about the Tiananmen Square crackdown. How might the Beijing Olympics affect the memory of that event?
Ma: The Chinese people have been forced to forget the Tiananmen massacre. There has been no public debate about the event, no official apology. The media aren’t allowed to mention it. Still today people are being persecuted and imprisoned for disseminating information about it.
The government hoped that the Olympics would stir up a nationalistic frenzy that would erase memories of the past. But by turning the Olympics into a mass movement, it has inadvertently reminded the Chinese people of 1989, which was the last time the country was mobilized on such a scale. Despite, of course, the fact that the ’89 Democracy Movement was a spontaneous, jubilant show of people power, whereas this year’s movement is an artificial, state-engineered propaganda pageant.
The state of high alert Beijing is now under is another reminder of 1989. It recalls the tense period of martial law before and after the massacre. Today, the army has once again surrounded the city. Taxi drivers remark that they haven’t seen so many troops deployed since 1989.
Q: You once said that, “China is completely lacking in self-awareness.” What do you mean by that?
Ma: I meant that the Chinese people are not aware of their own entrapment. They believe they live in a free society, but don’t realize how much they are being monitored and controlled, how much the information they receive is restricted and warped, until they step out of line, that is, and feel the heavy hand of the state fall on them. Then they discover that the rights granted to them by the constitution are meaningless, and that the freedoms are a sham.
To become self-aware, people must be allowed to hear a plurality of opinions and then make up their own minds. They must be allowed to say, write and publish whatever they want. Freedom of expression is the most basic, but fundamental, right. Without it, human beings are reduced to automatons. But I’m hopeful about the future. Travel and the power of the Internet will slowly open people’s minds.
Q: Based on your travels through the Tibetan regions of China, you’ve written a collection of stories about Tibet that offers a less than idealized view of a culture and people. Many critics were startled by your portrayal of a Tibet rife with sexual abuse and physical cruelty. How much of what you wrote about was a realistic and accurate view? What are your thoughts about the recent Tibetan protests?
Ma: I wrote “Stick Out Your Tongue” after wandering through China for three years in the late 1980s. The Tibet that I discovered at the end of my journey was very different from the rosy picture painted by the Chinese government. It didn’t feel like a “liberated” country; it felt like a nation under siege. But when writing the book, I wasn’t aiming to give a “realistic and accurate” view. That’s the role of documentary, not fiction. I wanted to write about the country as a state of mind. I’d traveled to Tibet as a Buddhist. It was a pilgrimage of sorts. But when I arrived, I suffered a crisis of faith. The emptiness of the landscape, the desecration of spiritual life, the poverty and isolation mirrored my own feelings of confusion and despair. The book is a work of the imagination, a meditation on death, religion and love. It shouldn’t be read as reportage.
I can understand the frustration and anger that drove the Tibetans to protest. They have been reduced to a minority in their own land. Tibet is a so-called “autonomous region” of China, but Tibetans have no real autonomy. They can’t choose their leaders; they are banned from worshipping the Dalai Lama; their resources and economy are monopolized by the Han Chinese. Their country has become a huge prison. These protests are like jail riots.
I believe that the Tibetans should have the right to control their own destinies, and decide for themselves whether they want to be part of China or not. But this view isn’t shared by most Chinese, or even the leaders of most Western democracies. As long as the Communist Party is in power, there is little hope for Tibet.
Q: Do you think the Sichuan earthquake had any effect on China’s state of mind leading up to the Olympics?
Ma: The earthquake reawakened the Chinese people’s sense of compassion. There was a mass outpouring of grief. The media took advantage of the chaos to prove that when restrictions are loosened, it is capable of reporting objectively. But after a couple of weeks, the government regained control, and the earthquake became just another of its propaganda shows, a tragedy with no victims. All criticism of the government was silenced, and the “stars” of the show were not the victims or the members of the public who had rushed to help them, but the Party leaders and People’s Liberation Army soldiers.
There is little talk of Sichuan now. As Olympic supporters shout “Go Sichuan! Go China!” the tragedy has been reduced to a slogan.
Q: If you were in Beijing during the Olympics, what stories would you pursue?
Ma: I’m in Beijing right now. I’ve come to observe the charade. As a novelist, I’m fascinated by the gap that exists between spectacle and reality. I’m not looking for any particular stories. I just want to walk through the streets, talk to people and let the absurdities of the event seep into me.
Q: Do you have any additional thoughts you’d like to share?
Ma: I was in Beijing three months ago, but this time it seems like a different city. The streets are half-empty. There are no beggars or pimps, no traffic jams. The taxis are frighteningly clean. The roads are lined with flags, slogans and the Olympic sponsors’ huge advertising hoardings. It feels like a sanitized, soulless exhibition center.
Source: http://olympics.blogs.nytimes.com/
One month to go: Beijing prepares to deliver Olympics
July 7, 2008 · Leave a Comment
By Nick Mulvenney
BEIJING (Reuters) – With a month remaining until the opening ceremony of one of the most scrutinized Olympic Games in history, the time has come for Beijing to deliver on seven years of promises and billions of dollars spent.
On July 13, 2001, the state news agency Xinhua hailed the decision to award the Olympic Games to Beijing as being a “milestone in China’s rising international status and a historical event in the great renaissance of the Chinese nation.”
Six months ago, preparations were going to plan with gleaming new venues and infrastructure almost completely in place for the August 8-24 Games.
But violent unrest in Tibet in March followed by global anti-Chinese protests have marred Beijing’s final countdown to the Games. Moreover, the threat of terrorism and pollution have presented the Communist authorities with new challenges.
However, with the 31 venues completed and the army of migrant workers putting the finishing touches to a $40 billion upgrade of the city’s once-creaking infrastructure, organizers are upbeat.
“We are fully prepared for the opening of the Beijing Olympic Games,” organizing committee (BOCOG) vice president Jiang Xiaoyu said last week. “We are going to use the last 36 days to further perfect the arrangements.”
China’s rulers wanted to use the Games to promote internal stability and show off a confident, increasingly influential economic power to the rest of the world.
After the public relations disaster of the March 14 Tibet riots and the protest-disrupted international leg of the Olympic torch relay, some have questioned whether China’s leaders care anymore about external opinion.
“China wants the Olympics to be applauded by the international community and at the same time instill a sense of pride in the Chinese people,” said Jiang Qisheng of the China chapter of International PEN, an association founded to defend freedom of expression.
“But stability is more important. International applause is ranked only second. If forced to choose, China would rather have stability.”
The May 12 Sichuan earthquake and the genuine outpouring of emotion over the death of nearly 70,000 people altered some perceptions of China, turning the award of the Olympics “from obscene accolade to worthy reward” in the words of British commentator Simon Jenkins.
TERRORISM CONCERN
But visa restrictions for visitors, plans to rid Beijing of petitioners, the homeless and migrant workers as well as the tight control of the media on “sensitive” legs of the domestic torch relay point to obsessive stage-management.
China says it views terrorism as the biggest threat to the Games and a 100,000-strong anti-terrorism force is already on alert.
Rights groups say Beijing is using the threat of terrorism to suppress internal dissent, especially in the restive far-Western regions of Tibet and Xinjiang, which is home to more than 8 million Muslim Uighurs.
“We are worried that there will be an even more wide-scale crackdown on the Uighur people, especially over the next month,” said Dilxat Raxit, spokesman for the exiled World Uyghur Congress.
“China is using the final opportunity the Olympics presents to portray Uighurs to the international community as terrorists. We have always opposed China holding the Olympics. We are the biggest victims of it, even more so than the Tibetans.”
Free Tibet is asking British athletes to express support for its cause by making a “T for Tibet” sign during the Games, it said in a statement on Monday.
American, Dutch and Australian athletes have already indicated their intention to express their concerns about human rights during the Games.
ALGAE STENCH
The stench of the algae in the city of Qingdao, which will host the Olympic sailing events, has been a vivid reminder that environmental concerns still dog the Games.
Of more pressing concern to most athletes is the air quality in the capital and the International Olympic Committee (IOC) has said some endurance events might be rescheduled if the pollution presents a health risk.
The surrounding provinces of Hebei and Tianjin ordered factory closures this month and four others are also involved in the effort to keep the Beijing skies clear.
Beijing has spent more than 120 billion yuan on environmental improvements over the last decade and its own contingency plans will come into force mainly from July 20.
China’s athletes have continued to prepare for the Games away from the prying eyes of the media.
Life bans for two Olympic hopefuls caught doping this year — swimmer Ougang Kunpeng and wrestler Luo Meng — have left them in no doubt that the authorities do not want to lose face at their own party with any positive tests.
Source: http://news.yahoo.com/
Categories: Beijing Olympic
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